1. Home
  2. Hansard & Papers
  3. Legislative Council
  4. 10 November 2004
Contact Print this page Reduce font size Increase font size

Standing Committee on Social Issues

Printing Tips | Print selected text | Full Day Hansard Transcript         « Prior Item | Item 28 of 40 | Next Item »

About this Item
Subjects -  Police: New South Wales; Parliamentary Committees: New South Wales: Social Issues; Redfern; Riots; Aborigines: New South Wales; Drug Abuse
Speakers - Parker The Hon Robyn; Griffin The Hon Kayee; Chesterfield-Evans The Hon Dr Arthur; Pearce The Hon Greg; Deputy-President (The Hon Patricia Forsythe); West The Hon Ian; Gay The Hon Duncan; Nile Reverend the Hon Fred
Business - Committee, Report


    STANDING COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL ISSUES
Page: 12466


    Report: Inquiry into Issues Relating to Redfern and Waterloo: Interim Report

    Debate resumed from 27 October.

    The Hon. ROBYN PARKER [2.32 p.m.]: Although I strongly support the principles of harm minimisation, the mobile needle van in Redfern is the source of great contention. Its location is a huge problem. I support the recommendation of the Standing Committee on Social Issues that the mobile van should be moved to another location that is not near a children's playground. However, that is not the only response needed to the massive drug problem in the Redfern area. We need more referral services, detoxification programs, access to a rapid response overdose management team, and counselling for those who get syringes from the van. We certainly need an Aboriginal-specific program. I wonder whether Rachel Forster Hospital, which is currently vacant, could be a suitable venue. I think the interim report could have made more recommendations that addressed the area's huge drug problem.

    My main area of dissent with the interim report concerns the progress and future of the Redfern Waterloo Partnership Project and the process surrounding the future development of the Block. The partnership project received $7 million from the Premier's Department over two years, and halfway through our inquiry the Carr Government granted it a further $2.5 million per annum. That is amazing in light of the many problems with that program, which has failed to deliver any real results. The Government's report admitted that. My dissent, however, should not be viewed as a lack of support for an increased State Government commitment. I believe there should be a huge increase in commitment, funding, and resources from the State Government.

    I am determined to ensure that past failures are not repeated and that the best possible outcomes are achieved for the Redfern and Waterloo communities, particularly their Aboriginal members. The inquiry's terms of reference invited a serious and unbiased inquiry that would deliver fearless recommendations. I believe that some of the committee's recommendations will result only in the continuation of the Carr Government's inaction and ineffective bureaucratic policies. Time and time again this Government responds to a problem by adding another layer of bureaucratic nonsense. I think a better name for the Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, Dr Refshauge, would be Dr Do-nothing, because this Government has done very little in the past 10 years. It took a riot in Redfern and a parliamentary inquiry to elicit some sort of response from the Government. The Government's refusal to accept the overwhelming criticism of the Redfern Waterloo Partnership Project is breathtaking. It has no idea how many services are available in the area, and a human services review was not received by the time the interim report was tabled. Funding of $7 million over two years has achieved very little.
    The interim report also refers to the Aboriginal Housing Company and the redevelopment of the Block. the Block must be redeveloped and the Aboriginal Housing Company must receive government assistance. An audit must be conducted and a full program of support should be generated to help the company provide sustainable housing.

    The Hon. KAYEE GRIFFIN [2.37 p.m.]: The interim report of the Standing Committee on Social Issues, entitled "Inquiry into Issues Relating to Redfern and Waterloo", considered the Redfern Waterloo Partnership Project, the redevelopment of the Block, policing strategies and resources, and the mobile needle and syringe service. I congratulate members of the committee and the staff who helped with the conduct of the hearings and compiling the interim report. They made it much easier for committee members to explore the issues addressed in that report. This was not an easy inquiry, and finding witnesses and gathering submissions were certainly not easy tasks. I thank the committee staff for their hard work on the interim report and for ensuring that the committee had access to submissions and witnesses, who filled in the blanks by speaking more fully to their submissions and outlined their concerns about the issues confronting the committee.

    The interim report deals specifically with four areas. The committee considered issues regarding the Redfern Waterloo Partnership Project, redevelopment of the Block and the Aboriginal Housing Company, and other matters that community members thought were relevant to the Block's future. The committee further considered policing strategies and resources, drug and alcohol use, and available options. The mobile needle and syringe service was a pressing issue that arose in a lot of the evidence from members of the public and various organisations, and in submissions received by the committee. The committee has made some important and appropriate recommendations in relation to those matters.

    In relation to policing strategies and resources dealt with in chapter 4, a timely announcement was made in relation to enhancing policing in Redfern in 2004. At that time the Minister for Police announced 32 strategies and initiatives to improve policing in the Redfern Local Area Command. Police and people working in that area have some difficult problems to overcome, but there are not simple solutions. The perception outside the area is that a number of issues need to be addressed which I know the police, community groups and services involved are working very hard towards. We have to work through the problems, and some of the results will come to fruition in a long time rather than in a short time.

    If people were serious about what needs to happen and about the resolutions to the problems they would know that short-term fixes are not necessarily appropriate and that there has to be a vision for the future to change things for the better for the community. People must work together and not divide the community, as has occurred in the past. The committee noted in the report from evidence that people do not necessarily feel that both communities should be lumped together. Different issues relate to Redfern and Waterloo, and they need to be kept separate. Solutions to problems in those areas should take into account the concerns of both communities. Some issues cross both communities, but some are relevant only to Waterloo or to Redfern. Recommendations to resolve problems in the future will assist in helping both communities, but a single solution does not resolve problems of both communities or does not relate specifically to one or the other community.

    Concerns were expressed by police in the Redfern Local Area Command regarding injuries sustained by them in the course of duty and how those injuries should be specifically recorded in the future, rather than being recorded anecdotally. The report recommended that the system should enable statistics to be collated and monitored in relation to each local area command, and statewide comparisons between local area commands should be made. As we know, each local area command deals with different issues, but there should be a uniform system so that people looking at statistics about police being injured on duty, or in the course of duty, can refer to a common record. Several recommendations were made in relation to the level of violence against police and the allocation of resources to the local area command.

    The Minister for Police announced a summary of strategies and initiatives. Recommendation 13 of the committee was that the Minister for Police, as part of a six-month review of initiatives announced on 16 July, carefully examine the impact of the increasing officers on the ability of the Redfern Local Area Command to investigate crime, and on the local community. There was some discussion within the committee about whether a six-monthly review would necessarily be the most adequate way to deal with this. Of course, one comment in the report is that there should also be an 18-month review. Other initiatives relating to policing strategies also concerned the level of experience of officers who work in the Redfern Local Area Command and what happens in the future with having seasoned officers as opposed to recruits just out of the academy who move straight into a command such as Redfern.

    What has been implemented in the New South Wales Police Aboriginal Strategic Direction 2004-06—and as part of the six-monthly review, the initiatives announced on 16 July—should also be looked at in conjunction with what the strategic direction is proposing for the future in relation to the Redfern Local Area Command. Once again, I thank all members of the committee and the secretariat for their hard work on this interim report. I look forward to the committee's final report later this year.

    The Hon. Dr ARTHUR CHESTERFIELD-EVANS [2.47 p.m.]: I take some pride in this report and have a sense of ownership of it. The terms of reference started from a motion moved by the Hon. Greg Pearce. I was keen to expand them to include not only the riot but also the antecedent social situation in Redfern and Waterloo. I spoke to Senator Aden Ridgway, drafted some terms of reference and moved an amendment to the motion moved by the Hon. Greg Pearce. The Government was willing to take over the inquiry—rather than having an inquiry inflicted on it—and produced amendments that incorporated most of my concerns. The referral was to a government committee rather than to a select committee, and I thought it was better for the Government to come on board to look at the issues. I believe that I had a lot of influence on the terms of reference because the Government was not initially keen to hold an inquiry, but it held one.

    The riot—which was a consequence of the tragic death of TJ Hickey—was originally outside the committee's terms of reference. Redfern is a chronic socially disadvantaged community in which there was a lot of resentment. The Coroner's inquiry regarding the death of TJ Hickey was ongoing, as was the Coburn inquiry into the policing strategies on the night of the riot. The report had merely noted the antecedents and the tragic death of TJ Hickey. The evidence was of chronic disadvantage and the distinct nature of it in the Redfern and Waterloo areas. Redfern is more an Aboriginal area and Waterloo is more an old housing commission area with an ageing population of diverse ethnicity.

    The committee looked at the Redfern-Waterloo Partnership Project. There was an initial flurry of consultation, which was supposedly designed to co-ordinate real estate development and look at social problems. Although that initial flurry of consultation promised much, that process was not ongoing with regard to social issues groups. It may have continued with groups that had more money and were likely to have influence on the built environment. The question therefore arose: Was this consultation process really to do with real estate development? Though it was not conceptually, it is a bit hard to say what it was. However, Aboriginal people who spoke about it seemed to regard it as an extension of the Premier's Department. It seemed to lack autonomy. That it could not provide a list of non-government organisations in the area for the Morgan Disney human services report is quite telling. It did not appear to take an independent stance on anything. Again, the perception was that it was merely an arm of the Premier's Department.

    The other item was the Block, which has immense symbolic value, having been given to the Aboriginal people by the Whitlam Government. It has been progressively falling down. Whether it was inappropriate accommodation, or whether the social circumstances were such that they led to the degeneration of white housing, is another issue. Certainly, the solution that the Aboriginal Housing Company has come up with is to progressively empty those houses and demolish the Block. the Block is now more than half demolished. One recommendation was that it should be rebuilt. I regard that matter as extremely important, and I tried to make it part of our recommendations.

    The plan that has been worked out by the Aboriginal Housing Company, with help from the University of Sydney, suggests that the initial phase of building will require expenditure of $27 million. The Aboriginal Housing Company has $2 million of that. It would have been nice if the Government had put its hand up, acknowledged this was an important symbolic act for Aboriginal people and committed $12.5 million of the remaining $25 million to that project. Had the Government done that, in the context of the recent pork-barrelling Federal election, I feel sure the parliamentary parties would have seen the Federal Government coming up with $12.5 million to match the State funding, and this project would have been built. I believe the lack of a New South Wales Government response in that instance is most disappointing for the Aboriginal people, and places a real question mark over the Government's commitment to the Aboriginal people. Here was a golden opportunity for the Government to put in a significant sum of money. If it had, I think the balance of funding required would have been forthcoming with Howard and Latham engaging in a bidding war that went to $6 billion and $4 billion respectively. However, the New South Wales Government did not do so. So I criticise it for that inaction.

    As to policing strategies, there have been good and bad. Perhaps the police have struggled with a legacy of mistrust. If you are trying to prevent crime and are arresting people that you think might have been likely to have committed those crimes—what is called preventative maintenance—that is good policing. However, if the offenders come from one racial group, obviously the task becomes very difficult. Addressing cultural difficulties and the need for reconciliation—which, unfortunately, is being quite seriously neglected in Australia at the moment—also makes things difficult. Cultural programs to address those problems are extremely important and need to be taken further. The good work being done by Dennis Smith and some of the police also needs to be acknowledged—although one must ask why the police are doing things that one might have thought are the bailiwick of the Department of Community Services or other non-government organisations, if they were better funded.

    The drugs issue is not only extremely important but is regarded as the engine of crime. Of course, the need to fund a drug habit leads to crime; it is the mother of crime. It is very demoralising for residents to see their streets being turned into shooting galleries. At the same time, the necessity to adopt measures to prevent AIDS makes giving out clean needles very important indeed so that we will not have an AIDS epidemic similar to those have occurred where the prohibitive approach has been used, such as in New York in particular and the United States of America generally, where large portions of drug-using populations have AIDS. That these problems grow geometrically is a medical fact that needs to be recognised. Locals feel that drug use has a honey pot affect: people who are not locals come to Redfern station, have their shot of heroin and leave the area again. Redfern has a very important train station, and problems are being inflicted on local people by drug users who are not locals. They provide role models of successful and rich drug dealers—rich because they make super-normal profits from dealing in illegal substances.

    There was some evidence supporting the movement of the needle exchange van. I was not in favour of that proposal. My view was that the van should be positioned by those who know the area. I felt there should be injecting rooms if necessary, because I believe the Kings Cross injecting rooms have saved lives. Though the Government had drawn its conclusions from the operations of those injecting rooms, the fact that it did not have the political courage to implement its conclusion warrants my criticism of it. The Government response to the problems of Redfern has been very silly. It lacked a consultative approach with many of the non-government organisations. Those are quite diverse organisations. I do not think there is any problem with having diverse non-government organisations. Often, such organisations grow in response to needs, either because of the efforts of individuals or because governments set them up. Generally, governments do not set up organisations in places where they are not needed, and the organisations evolve in a manner that is appropriate for those communities. Often, if the community is very disadvantaged, those bodies will be under-resourced.

    The Government's response in this instance was to set up the Redfern-Waterloo Partnership Project, which effectively was a ballooning of part of the Premier's Department. That project gave the status of best-funded non-government organisation to an outside group, Barnardos. Whether Barnardos should have been funded rather than increasing funding to existing organisations is quite a moot point. That is bound to create some resentment within an organisation that is battling to run a program that is trying to satisfy demands that far exceed its funding. Because of that inadequacy another group is brought in and assumes more influence and power, and gains more money than the local organisation has. That is not the best way to go about dealing with the matter. Then, of course, all other non-government organisations have to swallow their pride and their differences, and integrate the new service on the basis that the local community needs it. That response by the Government is very disappointing.

    When these sorts of inquiries are set up, presumably in good faith, the Government should wait for the reports of the inquiries and listen to their recommendations. I know that under the standing orders I cannot talk about anything that has happened since this report came out in August, but quite a lot has happened since then. I do not believe the Government has taken this report into account to the extent that it should have, especially regarding the Block and its funding, and what it could have done to deal with the drugs problem and the overall management of the area. This report certainly is a step in the right direction. The final report will take matters further, and hopefully we will have the opportunity to speak then on what is being done.

    The Hon. GREG PEARCE [2.57 p.m.]: Peace in Sydney was shattered on the evening of Sunday 15 February and the early morning of Monday 16 February by images of rioters in Redfern throwing molotov cocktails, bottles and bricks, burning the railway station and injuring at least 36 police. The riot followed the tragic death of Aboriginal youth TJ Hickey. In such distressing circumstances where the longstanding problems associated with Redfern were brought into such stark relief, the Carr Labor Government went into its usual spin, trying to deny, cover up and blame. Three inquiries were announced by the Premier, to be conducted by the Coroner, NSW Police and WorkCover, with a view to hosing down the many issues that the riot raised.

    On 25 February I moved in the Legislative Council to establish a select committee to carry out a thorough public inquiry into the riot and other issues in Redfern. The Labor Government, with the support of a number of the crossbenchers, succeeded in shifting the inquiry to a committee controlled by the Government and chaired by a Labor member. And, astonishingly, the Carr Government succeeded in having the terms of reference of the inquiry changed to actually delete any investigation of the riot. The Government insisted on calling the riot an "incident" in Redfern. The result was that the inquiry opened with fireworks between me and the Hon. Jan Burnswoods as I made it plain that we would not let the Government get away with making an inquiry a cover-up, and that we wanted some real action on the problems in Redfern.

    Local people, the police, health and social workers, government officials and others gave their evidence of rampant drug use and drug selling, of crime including the appalling robberies from elderly women, of poverty and appalling health and housing conditions, unemployment, school truancy—all an appalling social and legal mess in 2004. Perhaps the most depressing evidence was that highlighting what everyone knew of the appalling conditions in Redfern and that, notwithstanding previous riots and dozens of inquiries, nothing had changed for the better. Notwithstanding that many witnesses wanted to talk about the riot, the Chair repeatedly resorted to ruling that the riot was outside the committee's terms of reference. That set the tone, as the Government members attempted to make the report a defence of the $7 million Redfern-Waterloo Partnership Project, which was Premier Carr's response in 2002 to previous troubles in Redfern.

    Government members used their numbers to repeatedly include provisions in the interim report supportive of the Redfern-Waterloo partnership, notwithstanding the weight of evidence that the partnership failed to tackle and address the serious problems, and in spite of the Government's submission and evidence from the head of the Premier's Department, Dr Gellatly, who said:

    There is poor or non-existent co-ordination, inadequate accountability across the service system, duplication of services and under resourced, under trained and non-viable services.

    He also admitted that the Government did not know how many organisations were providing services in Redfern and Waterloo, nor did he know the capacity of those services. Dr Gellatly conceded that:

    A further challenge is the need to upgrade infrastructure and renew the urban environment in the area, and this is a major task.

    His evidence made it plain that the Government had failed to manage the crisis in the area, had failed to establish an effective anti-drug strategy and had failed at longer-term issues, such as the redevelopment of the Block. By the time of our inquiry the project could not say what its objectives were and how they could be measured. It has engendered enormous criticism for its failure to consult and poor communications. The project had not completed a review of service providers to establish what services were available in Redfern and Waterloo and what was required. It had failed also to complete the Redfern-Eveleigh-Darlinghurst planning strategy, and an audit of the Aboriginal Housing Company, which owns the Block, was not complete.

    Astonishingly, in May Premier Carr announced the extension of the partnership until 2006 with approval for a further $5 million in funding. Many of the witnesses we heard from made the point that the $12 million invested in the Premier's Office personnel and consultants by the partnership would have been much better spent on services on the ground in Redfern and Waterloo. I agree with paragraph 2.101 of the report, which provides a good summary of the need for long-term commitment to solve the problems. Police evidence highlighted the failure of the Government to properly address and resource the issues in Redfern. The response of the Minister for Police, John Watkins, to the riot was to talk the talk. In question time on Tuesday 17 February he said:

    Redfern local area command is well resourced. It has more police than it ever had before. Commander Smith should not feel constrained by his finances in dealing with this particular problem. Our force is better equipped than it ever has been.

    He then went on the Sally Loane program and admitted that the local branch of the Police Association had a longstanding series of requests for resources and other operational matters to be addressed. He admitted that the Redfern police station was truly hopeless:

    It's probably the worst police station I've been into and the wonderful work that is being done by Redfern police and has been done for a long time deserves to have proper accommodation.

    In July Watkins was handed the police investigation report into the Redfern riot, Strike Force Coburn. The report was kept secret, but it was devastating in its criticism of police resources, training and preparedness to deal with major incidents, such as the Redfern riot. Watkins responded within a week with a list of 32 strategies and initiatives to improve policing in Redfern, which was released on 16 July. The response was a belated acceptance of the long-known problems at Redfern local area command. It was a devastating indictment of Watkins and his predecessors, the failure to listen to police, and provide necessary resources and commitment to support local police. However, consistent with the Carr Government's obsession with cover-up and secrecy, Watkins continued to refuse to produce the Coburn report, once using the pathetic excuse that a copy had been sent to the Coroner. He continued to keep it a secret after the Coroner indicated he had no interest in it. The Opposition members insisted that the report be released, but that did not happen.

    A clue to the devastating findings in the Coburn report was provided in some of the police evidence to the inquiry. Of concern was some of the evidence of Commander Bob Waites, who attempted to blame the subordinate on the scene for lack of proper response. Mr Waite's failure to turn up to the riot prior to 1.30 in the morning was not satisfactorily explained and his failure to implement correct procedures—for example, locating himself in the correct command situation—was not pursued. Notwithstanding that, the inquiry helped to produce a significant outcome in improving police resources and also to address some of the problems, such as the need for better cultural training for police and the introduction of inexperienced probationary police into Redfern. The inquiry was conducted in such a manner as to prevent a thorough investigation of many of the other social issues. Attempts to get to the core of these issues were frustrated by Government members on the committee. The most disgraceful example of this was the sycophantic praise by Government members of one witness, Lyall Monro, the 1970s activist who was shown on television footage abusing Aboriginal women elders who were trying to calm the situation at about two o'clock on the morning of the riot. Munro attacked members of the committee.

    The Hon. Jan Burnswoods: Point of order.

    The Hon. GREG PEARCE: Evidence of a number of indigenous and other witnesses confirmed that old race warriors like Munro were part of the problem and not part of the solution.

    The Hon. Jan Burnswoods: I disagree with a lot of what the Hon. Greg Pearce is saying. I am taking a point of order only to point out that he is attacking an individual, not a member of this House. If he wishes to do that, whether it is about Lyall Munro or anyone else, he can do so only by way of substantive motion.


    The Hon. GREG PEARCE: To the point of order: As you know, Madam Deputy-President, that is a nonsensical point of order. If a person has a problem there is a way to deal with it.

    The DEPUTY-PRESIDENT (The Hon. Patricia Forsythe): Was the member referring to another member of the House?

    The Hon. GREG PEARCE: No. It is just a time waster—the usual performance.

    The DEPUTY-PRESIDENT (The Hon. Patricia Forsythe): Order! There is no point of order. The member may proceed.

    The Hon. GREG PEARCE: Of great concern also to Opposition members was the role of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs in New South Wales. We had the spectre of the head of the department, who was on a salary of $180,000, telling us that the department did not actually do anything in Redfern. When she was asked what exactly the department did, the head of the department responded:

    I do run a number of structures across the Government. We provide advice, obviously, to the Minister. We also do a range of responses on Cabinet matters, and all of those sorts of things that Government agencies do. We have an Aboriginal Affairs Plan Co-ordinating Committee. We have, as I said before, cluster groups of agencies and Aboriginal people involved in that group. They are the sorts of things.

    As I said, that is absolute gobbledygook. It is shameful that the Department of Aboriginal Affairs with a budget of $7 million and 69 staff does not deliver any services into Redfern. Although the interim report ultimately included some good recommendations—for example, removal of the needle van and the policing package—Opposition members had to write a minority report because of the direction taken by the Government majority members. In particular, we expressed our concern that the Redfern-Waterloo Partnership Project should not continue because clearly it was a failure. Our second major concern was the recommendation that funding be provided for development of the Block. The major concern relates to the capacity of the Aboriginal Housing Company to manage and implement redevelopment of the Block and its subsequent occupation. We thought the recommendation was premature, particularly given that the audit of the housing company and evaluation of its property promised by the partnership has not been completed. The recommendations fly in the face of comments in various parts of the report—for example, paragraph 1.31—as to the complexity of the issues and the committee's intention to deal with the Block in its final report.

    One matter that should be noted was the leaking of part of the Chair's draft report by a crossbench member. The committee took no action. Notwithstanding the Government's approach, the committee's inquiry was an important part of the pressure that forced action in Redfern. Further action has been announced. I would like to thank the secretariat—particularly Julie Longsworth, Rachel Callinan and Victoria Pymm—and others for their work on what at times was a difficult inquiry. I was most concerned at the way Government members of the inquiry initially denied the Police Association representative, Mr Huxtable, the opportunity to give his evidence, refused to publish his submission at the beginning of the inquiry and the ham-fisted attempt to slur his wife, who is also an officer at the Redfern police station. It was appalling.

    The Hon. IAN WEST [3.07 p.m.]: Unlike the previous speaker, the Hon. Greg Pearce, I will be positive and forward looking in my comments on this important interim report on the inquiry into the development and future of the Block, the Redfern-Waterloo Partnership Project, the funding of the Pemulwuy redevelopment project, policing strategies and resources, and the mobile needle and syringe service. The third paragraph of the Chair's foreword sets the scene to a large extent when it states that the issues facing the Australian people and the New South Wales and Commonwealth Governments in relation to the Aboriginal community go back to the beginning of European settlement in 1788. Many would say that we have little to be proud of in that long history. Clearly, the time is long overdue for us to face the deep-rooted problems of poverty, disadvantage and racism that beset many Aboriginal people in Redfern and Waterloo, and throughout New South Wales. The position was put extremely eloquently by a former Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner, Mick Dodson, who stated in 1993:

    Social justice is what faces you when you get up in the morning.

    It is awakening in a house with an adequate water supply, cooking facilities and adequate sanitation. It is the ability to nourish your children and send them to a school where their education not only equips them for employment but reinforces their knowledge of and appreciation of their cultural inheritance. It is the prospect of genuine employment and good health, a life of choices and opportunity, freedom from discrimination.

    Those thoughts apply to the indigenous community as well as to other communities that constitute our great multicultural nation, our Great Southern Land, Australia. I take this opportunity to thank the committee's executive officers and secretariat for the dedication, skill and sheer hard work they contributed to the preparation of this report—Julie Langsworth, Rachel Callinan, Victoria Pymm and Heather Crichton.

    The first five recommendations of the report relate to the Redfern-Waterloo Partnership Project. Recommendations 6 to 9 relate to the Aboriginal Housing Company. Recommendations 10 to 19 relate to policing. Recommendations 20 to 22 relate to a whole-of-government approach. Other members of the committee have already commented on most of the report's recommendations, but I will comment specifically on recommendations 15 and 16. Recommendation 15 relates to the Minister for Police undertaking an audit of the implementation of the initiatives contained in the document entitled "NSW Police Aboriginal Strategic Direction 2003-2006" in the Redfern Local Area Command, and suggests that relevant initiatives be properly implemented as a matter of priority. Recommendation 16 states that, as part of the six-month review of initiatives announced on 16 July 2004, the Minister for Police consider the impact of the initiatives on the local Aboriginal community with reference to the NSW Police Aboriginal Strategic Direction document.

    I acknowledge that currently a great deal of work is being done by the superintendent of police and Tranby college to develop a program of cultural awareness. It is hoped that the training and cultural awareness project will result in joint advice becoming part of a consultative approach involving the local community on how policing can be better carried out in Redfern. It is my hope that we do not lose sight of the extremely important consensual initiatives contained in the strategic direction document. I also hope that the document's proposals, instead of being met with initial and short-lived enthusiasm, are properly implemented on a long-term basis. It is a great responsibility for the Minister for Police to ensure that those initiatives do not end up on the cutting-room floor or gather dust on a shelf, and I am confident that the Minister will acquit himself admirably of that responsibility. I refer now to recommendation 20, which relates to the needle and syringe clean-up program. During any period of transition, while changes in the location of the service or modification in the range of service are implemented, there is a vital need to ensure that an appropriate needle and syringe service will continue to be available.

    It has given me great pleasure to play a role in the compilation of this report. Committee members and the secretariat have contributed a great deal of effort to ensure that this interim report leads to positive and forward-thinking proposals. While I acknowledge that from time to time some negativity has been displayed by certain members of the committee with a view to obtaining some political advantage, I am fairly confident that even the Hon. Greg Pearce would want the potential for improvements arising out of the final report to be realised. I am sure that he acknowledges that the interim recommendations are sound and that their implementation will enable the Redfern-Waterloo community to progress while avoiding negativity and backward proposals. It is with pleasure that I commend the interim report to the House.

    The Hon. DUNCAN GAY (Deputy Leader of the Opposition) [3.17 p.m.]: Although I am not a member of the committee, for the most part I compliment the committee on its interim report, particularly the Hon. Greg Pearce, and on ensuring that moves toward improvement are under way. The initiative of addressing issues in Redfern-Waterloo is an important one and it was born out of a pretty tough night. I suspect that, given that I am not a member of the committee, many honourable members will wonder why I am participating in the debate. It will be no surprise to some—although it will be a surprise to others, I am sure—to know that for a large part of the year while I am attending to parliamentary duties I live in Redfern.

    My life in Crookwell and my life in Redfern make an interesting juxtaposition. At my farm in Crookwell, most of the time I leave the house unlocked and my car keys in the car, but in Redfern I have had a back-to-base alarm and motion detectors installed at my premises and there are bars on the windows. Despite the difference in the living environments, there is a remarkable similarity in community spirit and the friendship of people in the street. It is unbelievable. While I am in Redfern, I could easily convince myself that I am back in the community in which I have lived for 50-odd years, Crookwell, because of the friendliness of people.

    During my approximately 16 years of service as a member of this Parliament I have lived in many parts of Sydney but Redfern has been the friendliest area of them all. In other areas of Sydney, such as in parts of the eastern suburbs, my family and I have not made friends among the community, as we have in Redfern.

    I am telling this story because although there are negatives about Redfern there are certainly some positives. This report is a step in the right direction. I was actually in Redfern on that Sunday night after having driven down from my farm. During the night I was awaken by the sound of a helicopter—an unusual sound in that area because Redfern is not under the flight path. I went out onto our balcony and I could see a helicopter circling the Block, which is about three blocks from our residence. I could hear voices coming up from the street saying that some kids were throwing rocks at police. It was not until the next morning that I learnt what had actually happened.

    As the Hon. Greg Pearce and other members have said, many young police officers are stationed in the area. Shortly after the riot my wife's car was broken into whilst stationary at a set of lights at Waterloo. The young police officer handling her case was fresh out of the academy—as many of them are—and he did a terrific job. However, he appeared to be looking for support; I could tell that he felt alone. We tend to forget about front-line police in such situations. I hope that out of all this solutions will arise. Sometimes it is all too easy for people living in areas such as Hunters Hill to suggest that a needle exchange program or injecting room would be an instant solution to the problems in Redfern. Those with ideas of that nature should visit the area before making such suggestions. On some mornings I dress in old shorts, joggers and an old farm shirt and walk around the streets of that great community. I do not wear designer jogging gear.

    The Hon. Jennifer Gardiner: Too much information!

    The Hon. DUNCAN GAY: Yes, it probably is too much information. As I walk around the Redfern and Waterloo public housing areas, where there is a large Aboriginal and unemployed population, I am frequently greeted with friendly smiles and "G'days". I find that quite exceptional. My message to the House is that Redfern is a good community and it has good people, but various governments have let it down. There have been too many well-meaning people who did not understand local issues and too much bureaucracy. This report is a step in the right direction and, hopefully, will provide solutions to the area's problems. I applaud the committee on its report.

    Reverend the Hon. FRED NILE [3.25 p.m.]: On behalf of the Christian Democratic Party I contribute to this take-note debate on the report of the Standing Committee on Social Issues entitled "Inquiry into Issues Relating to Redfern and Waterloo, Interim Report No. 32 dated August 2004". Over the years I have been to the Block, and spoken with Aboriginal elders and visited a number of homes in the area. Aboriginal people were given a sense of hope when the Whitlam Government gave them ownership of some buildings in the area. Sadly, and tragically, the Redfern riot highlighted the serious problems experienced there. Over time conflicts have developed between police and Aboriginal residents. It is hard to estimate how many Aboriginal people reside in the Redfern-Waterloo area. One count suggested 700, but I believe the number is higher than that.

    Between one census and another the transient population around the Block can range from low to high. The figures from the last census were lower than I expected. Following the riot I visited Redfern and met with Mrs Hickey to give her some encouragement because I believed that the Aboriginal people in the area were feeling alienated—a sense of Aboriginal people versus white people; and not only white police but the white community. I attempted to break through that attitude, which the Aboriginal people seemed to be locked into, to show them that I, and the whole non-Aboriginal community, shared their concerns about the riot and the death of TJ Hickey. I gave Mrs Hickey a fairly large donation towards TJ's funeral as well as an offer of friendship and support.

    I spent some time talking to people who said they had been near the accident site, people who later gave evidence in the inquiry. As a layperson, it seemed to me that TJ's death was a tragic accident. He may have believed he was fleeing from police, but it seems obvious that a police van could not have accessed that narrow laneway. Over the years I have had discussions with the leaders of the Redfern Aboriginal Housing Company, particularly Mick Mundine and Pastor Peter Walker. For many years they have worked towards providing a solution to the Aboriginal housing problems. Of course, most problems stem from the state of disrepair of the buildings.

    I am pleased that I was able to play some part in causing the Standing Committee on Social Issues to conduct this inquiry. My participation probably upset the Hon. Greg Pearce, who was pushing for the establishment of a select committee to inquire into the matter. However, my belief was that it was likely that the Government would act on the recommendations of a standing committee of this House rather than the recommendations of a partisan select committee. I hope my assessment will prove to be correct and that the Government will implement these recommendations.

    Mick Mundine and Pastor Peter Walker have developed models of their dream; the problem is the cost. The last estimate was $26 million. The housing company has not received State or Federal financial support and obviously cannot finance such a project from its own resources. It has laid the basis for a project incorporating Aboriginal culture. The plan for redevelopment may not be the way we would do it, but it combines modern housing design with Aboriginal culture. The project has been named the Pemulwuy Redevelopment Project, named after an Aboriginal leader. I strongly support recommendation 7 in that report, which states:

    That the three tiers of government makes a firm commitment to the redevelopment of the Block by the Aboriginal Housing Company, subject to the requirements set out in Recommendation 8—

    which deals with auditing issues—

    and in particular that:

    • the NSW Government make a substantial funding contribution to enable the completion of the Pemulwuy Redevelopment Project, and that it facilitate access by the Aboriginal Housing Company to other funding sources.

    • the Federal Government be approached by the NSW Government to make a substantial funding contribution to the Pemulwuy Redevelopment Project.

    • the City of Sydney Council make a substantial contribution to the Pemulwuy Redevelopment Project, which might take the form of in-kind assistance, such as handing over freehold title to laneways or waiving rates for a period of time.

    I ask the Government to act urgently on what I believe to be the most important recommendation in this report. People residing in the Block have always been disadvantaged as a result of drug abuse, unemployment, alcohol addiction and poor health and housing conditions. While Pastor Peter Walker and I were visiting the area I saw a young Aboriginal boy aged 12 or 13 go up to the needle van, get his needle, inject right at the doorway of the van, overdose and fall to the ground in front of the van. An ambulance was called and, fortunately, ambulance officers were able to resuscitate the boy.

    Pastor Peter Walker was angry that this van was allowed to operate in the Block without the support of Aboriginal leaders or the community. It seems to me to be a case of white men saying to Aboriginal people, "We know what is best for you. We will not place a van in Bankstown, Bondi or Ku-ring-gai, but we will place a van in Redfern, in the centre of your community." That has had a demoralising effect on the Aboriginal community. The views of Aboriginal people were ignored, and that again highlights just how patronising the white community is. We believe that we know what is best for the Aboriginal community and that whatever we suggest the Aboriginal community just has to put up with it.

    I oppose recommendation 22, which makes reference to providing information to the community about the need for improvements to the needle syringe service that is to be implemented in the area. That is not what Aboriginal people in the Block want. The implementation of such a service would only help drug dealers and the drug industry; it would promote a drug culture and result in a honey-pot effect in that area. We must restore the dignity of Aboriginal people in Redfern and Waterloo and respect the views of their leaders. I cannot support the committee's recommendation for the retention of the needle van in the general area of the Block.

    Pursuant to standing orders business interrupted.


Last modified 05/12/2007 16:33:26   :   Update this page